a quarterly update from BRIDGE, raising gender awareness among policy-makers and practitioners

`Mainstreaming` has been widely adopted as a strategy for institutionalising gender concerns within development organisations. Has the high-level international attention to gender translated into gender-sensitive organisational change? In this issue, we review approaches to institutionalising gender issues in both government and non-government organisations. We also look at what happens to feminist concepts, such as empowerment, when they enter the mainstream. Currents, our back page column, previews a forthcoming issue of in brief which will focus on innovative approaches to health and reproductive rights.

• Changing institutions in women`s interests
• Bringing gender out of the ghetto: national machineries for women
• Putting gender policy into practice: lessons from ACORD
• Empowerment: swimming into the mainstream?
• Currents in development and gender
• Institutionalising gender: key resources

While in the 1970s and 1980s women in development advocates talked of `integrating women into development`, in the 1990s the emphasis is on the institutionalisation of gender issues in development policy and planning. This shift in emphasis stems from the recognition that institutions are already `gendered`, typically placing women in sex-typed services and targeting women`s reproductive (family planning) or social (community management services) functions. Without changing institutions to reflect and represent women`s interests, the goal of gender equality cannot be attained (Goetz, 1995).

`Mainstreaming gender` is both a technical and a political process which requires shifts in organisational cultures and ways of thinking, as well as in the goals, structures and resource allocations of international agencies, governments and NGOs. Mainstreaming requires changes at different levels within these institutions, in agenda setting, policy making, planning, implementation and evaluation. Instruments for the mainstreaming effort include new staffing and budgeting practices, training programmes, policy procedures and guidelines.

"Without changing institutions to reflect and represent women`s interests, the goal of gender equality cannot be attained"

After a decade or more of attempts to institutionalise gender, there is a growing volume of data and analysis produced on gender issues worldwide, National Machineries for Women (NMWs) have been established in most UN member governments, and gender issues are included in central policy statements, guidelines, and procedures of major donor agencies.

In successful cases, gender advisers have been `mainstreamed` in operational departments of donor agencies, and NMWs have begun to move out of social and welfare sectors into central decision-making locations, such as Ministries of Planning and Finance, as in the Philippines, Turkey, Zambia and Namibia. Some donor agencies, such as DGIS (Netherlands), are attempting to bring gender analysis into the policy processes of economic reform and programme aid. The dynamics of organisations and how gender advocates can act as `change agents` is better understood (Kelleher and McLaren, 1996; Kelleher et al, 1996). Case studies are available of organisational change in support of gender equality in NGOs such as BRAC and ACORD (see page 3) (Oxfam, 1997).

These successes are, in part, due to the efforts of emerging international networks of women`s organisations around the world who have argued that widely agreed-upon goals such as `economic growth`, `human rights` or `sustainable human development` can only be attained with the consideration of gender issues at their core.

"Mainstreaming is still limited and the benefits to women elusive"

The extent of mainstreaming, however, is still limited, and the benefits to women elusive. The nature of gender issues is very complex and politicised and the demands of women`s organisations and NGOs, international donors and government agencies or political parties may be very different. Government elites and bureaucracies are frequently hostile to mainstreaming efforts, which are seen as externally imposed political agendas bringing few benefits. This is partly due to a reticence in national ownership of gender equity issues and to the lack of trust between governments and civil society, including women`s NGOs, in developing countries.

As a result, there has been a focus on highly visible, top-down activities such as producing policies, guidelines, and data sets, rather than on the slower and more invisible processes of transforming organisational culture and practice at all levels. Thus, mainstreaming efforts are sometimes criticised by activists in the South who perceive them as a process of co-optation.

Nevertheless, progress has been achieved in institutionalising gender and lessons can be learned from successful strategies in both government and NGOs (Goetz, 1996; Oxfam, 1997). Experience suggests that increased response to gender issues is linked to the level of external pressure by donors and women`s groups, the extent of the `fit` of gender issues with the mandate and procedures of an organisation, and to the strength of staff members who work on gender issues in translating their knowledge into agency-specific procedures (Kardam, 1995; Razavi and Miller, 1995).

Case studies highlight the importance for successful mainstreaming of local, national and international alliances, of political commitment and sound gender analysis, and of allowing women to pursue their own visions of change (Oxfam, 1997).

The challenge now lies in reconciling bottom up, empowerment strategies with the more top-down mainstreaming efforts in international and national bureaucracies, which inevitably involve long-term, incremental, and process-oriented change.

Nüket Kardam, Associate Professor and Program Head, Monterey Institute of International Studies, USA.

The setting up of national machineries for women (NMWs) began in the 1970s. By 1985, 90 per cent of countries had established an institutional body or system for promoting the status of women. However, NMWs have often proved to be weak, under-resourced and vulnerable to changing political fortunes. The shift in approach from integration to institutionalisation calls for an assessment of the lessons learnt and of the potential role of NMWs in the context of mainstreaming.

Some NMWs have focused mainly on welfare-oriented projects and programmes targeted at women. By contrast, the mainstreaming agenda demands that gender issues gain a hearing in macro-level policy-making. Policy oversight and advocacy roles are vital for influencing wider government policy and pushing for legislative change. Mainstreaming is occurring alongside the `downsizing` of bureaucracies and the decentralisation of service provision. NMWs need to seek new opportunities for increasing the accountability of government to women.

NMWs have adopted a range of strategies to promote gender-sensitive policy and practice, with varying degrees of success. These include: lobbying for the inclusion of gender in national development plans, setting up focal points in other ministries, the use of guidelines and checklists in planning and evaluation, and gender training for government personnel at all levels. For example, the Namibian Department of Women`s Affairs succeeded in getting gender issues considered in every sector in Namibia`s National Development Plan for 1995-2000. Such commitments, while significant achievements, need to be backed up by budgetary allocations and monitoring procedures.

"NMWs are often weak, under-resourced and vulnerable to changing political fortunes"

Inter-ministerial collaboration is often organised through a system of `focal points` for gender in each ministry. But such focal points have often proved ineffective because of lack of time, expertise or incentives. In Uganda, the failure of focal points prompted the NWM to launch a major cross-ministerial planning exercise in alliance with the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning. This elaborated a National Policy on Gender Issues and set up procedures for `gender-oriented policy development` in every ministry. The Ministry of Finance plays a watchdog role, using budgetary measures to monitor implementation progress in other ministries.

Linking NGOs and women`s organisations with policy-makers in government is a key role for NMWs in the context of mainstreaming. In the Philippines, government agencies have a long history of cooperation with NGOs on gender, facilitated through an alliance of some 300 national women`s NGOs and umbrella organisations, as well as government personnel. Experience elsewhere shows that these links are not always straightforward. In Chile, some civil society organisations see the national machinery (SERNAM) as an arm of the state which does not represent their interests. In Guatemala, the National Women`s Bureau (ONAM), whose programmes focus on home economics, has little relevance for more radical women`s organisations addressing peace, human rights and economic issues. Nevertheless, NMW-NGO alliances can be productive, as in Belize where the Department of Women`s Affairs and the NGO `Women Against Violence` together carried out a consultation, lobbied government and eventually succeeded in getting a law passed against domestic violence.

Zoë Oxaal, BRIDGE Research Assistant
Based on: Byrne, B., Koch Laier, J., with Baden, S., and Marcus, R., 1996. See resource list.

ACORD is an international NGO with its headquarters in London and field programmes in 15 African countries. In 1990, ACORD adopted a Gender Policy calling for the integration of gender awareness into all aspects of its programmes. Over six years on, interpretations of the policy and the way in which it has been implemented vary considerably from one programme to the next. A major review of progress involving field research in 1995-6 uncovered some of the factors which enhance integration at the programme level and highlighted weaknesses in ACORD`s approach to `mainstreaming` gender.

Commitment on the part of staff is key and is positively associated with the level of female representation. For example, ACORD`s programme in Gao (Mali) with a virtually all-male staff, has been very resistant to the gender policy while its programme in Gulu (Uganda), for many years headed by a woman and with equal numbers of male and female staff, has been very proactive in adopting the policy. The gender balance in Gulu was achieved by the adoption of good equal opportunities practice, such as generous maternity and parental leave provisions and time off for child care. Women were given priority in training and promotion, so as to ensure their equal representation in senior positions. At the programme level, this set a good example within communities, where ACORD was seen to practise what it preaches.

A number of ACORD programmes set up women`s staff networks to provide women staff with a place to meet and to discuss programme issues. In Dire Dawa (Ethiopia) exclusion from such networks provoked a hostile reaction from male staff. By and large, however, programmes have benefited from the increased confidence and solidarity developed between women staff. Inter-programme exchanges, together with sharing of experiences through networking and the ACORD gender newsletter, have also helped to create a positive culture and to develop a body of `good practice`.

The integration of gender awareness is more likely to be achieved when gender objectives are accepted as a collective staff responsibility. This is the case in Gulu which set up a Gender Committee comprising representatives of all the programme components to discuss and jointly formulate gender strategies. By contrast, in Gao, a Women`s Officer post was created to take on chief responsibility for gender with little support from the rest of the team. Commitment to gender equality goals is also enhanced through staff training and, to an even greater extent, through staff participation in policy development and field research.

The review highlighted a number of weaknesses in the implementation of ACORD`s Gender Policy, including inadequate involvement of field staff in policy development, lack of ongoing support and guidance, weak accountability mechanisms and a focus on the field level. Although programme staff were involved in developing the Gender Policy, the general feeling is that it was imposed from above. Greater involvement of programme staff would enhance the sense of `ownership` and hence commitment to the policy.

"Commitment to gender equality goals is enhanced through staff participation in policy development and field research"

The basic gender training given in all programmes following the introduction of the Gender Policy clarified concepts, but did not provide inexperienced staff with the skills and confidence to apply the tools in their work. Furthermore, the policy itself contains no operational or management guidelines. This gap was to some extent filled by Regional Gender Officers appointed to provide advice and guidance to the programmes, but these posts were subsequently lost as a result of organisational restructuring.

Key lessons from ACORD`s experience suggest that the successful implementation of a gender policy at programme level is enhanced by ongoing training and feedback, through an equal opportunities policy applied at headquarters as well as in the field, by fostering processes of information-sharing and exchange and by a close involvement of programme staff in policy development.

Angela Hadjipateras, Gender Research Consultant, ACORD
Further information: ACORD, Bradley House, 52 Horseferry Road, London, SW1P 2AF. Tel: 0171 227 8600, Fax: 0171 799 1868, E-mail: acord@gn apc.org

Women`s empowerment can be understood as a process whereby women, individually and collectively, become aware of how power relations operate in their lives and gain the self-confidence and strength to challenge gender inequalities.

The current popularity of the empowerment concept mirrors the shift away from top-down planning towards more participatory forms of development and moves by donor agencies to embrace NGOs as partners in development. Empowerment seems to offer a useful way forward for those working towards gender equality and corresponds with the visions of activists from the South.

`Women`s empowerment` has been taken up as a policy goal across a wide range of development organisations, from NGOs to UN agencies and through support to specific activities such as microcredit programmes, political participation and leadership training, and reproductive health. For example, UNDP`s Gender in Development Policy (1996) is aimed at `promoting the empowerment of women in political and economic decision-making at all levels from the household to the national government`, through supporting income-generating activities and the provision of skills and education. UNICEF has used the `Women`s Empowerment Framework` as a tool for mainstreaming gender throughout its programmes. The Centre for Development and Population Activities (CEDPA) aims to promote reproductive health by linking service provision to individual and organisational capacity building as well as community mobilisation, through training and education.

The development of indicators of empowerment to measure programme success is gaining prominence in many agencies, as is an interest in participatory forms of evaluation. For example, evaluations of Grameen Bank and Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC) microcredit programmes use eight indicators to measure women`s empowerment, including: mobility, economic security, involvement in major household decisions, political and legal awareness, and involvement in political campaigns.

A major lesson emerging from these approaches is that different aspects of empowerment are linked and that progress in one area cannot be sustained without attention to others. For example, reproductive rights cannot be fully exercised where women`s lack of independent economic resources undermines their freedom to make choices. Genuine empowerment also requires women to have a voice in shaping the choices over which decisions are made.

The meaning of empowerment has altered as it has gained wider currency. In mainstream development, empowerment is often envisaged as an individual rather than a collective process, and focused on entrepreneurship and individual self-reliance, rather than on cooperation to challenge power relations. This individualistic focus corresponds with the belief in market forces and liberal democracy, as seen in the current popularity of microcredit programmes aimed at promoting women`s empowerment. But without collective organisation and institutional change, individual women`s influence and bargaining power may be limited.

Tensions exist between agencies` declared aims of empowerment and the way organisations operate in practice. Empowerment is essentially a `bottom-up` process rather than a `top-down` strategy. Recent experience suggests that gender planners working towards an empowerment approach must develop ways of enabling women themselves to decide what their gender interests are and how to bring about change. Promoting empowerment also requires that organisations review their structures and procedures, to increase their accountability and responsiveness to the women whose empowerment they aim to support.

Zoë Oxaal, BRIDGE Research Assistant
Based on: Oxaal, Z., and Baden, S., 1997, ‘Gender and empowerment: definitions, approaches and implications for policy’, BRIDGE Report No. 40, prepared for the Gender Office of The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida).

Failed experiments and healthy innovation: gender awareness in the health sector

The United Nations Conference on Population and Development (UNCPD) in Cairo in 1994 marked a shift in approach to population policy across a wide spectrum of organisations, emphasising reproductive health, rights and women`s empowerment. Three years on, we ask how the new emphasis on women`s rights has translated into changes in programme delivery. More recently, attention has turned to the persistence of high levels of maternal mortality and to the timely need to evaluate safe motherhood initiatives. But what does the continued high profile of reproductive health mean for the allocation of resources to other health needs? What does a `gender aware` approach to health mean in practice? And how can this be incorporated into health sector investment programmes?

A forthcoming issue of in brief will look beyond the international debate on reproductive rights and health to explore innovative projects and programmes being developed on the ground. If you are working in this area and would like to contribute to the bulletin or exchange information, please contact BRIDGE at the address below.

Byre, B. and Koch Laier, J., with Baden, S., and Marcus, R., 1996, `National machineries for women in development`, BRIDGE Report No. 36, IDS, Sussex.

Elson, D., and McGee, R., 1995, `Gender equality, bilateral program assistance and structural adjustment: policy and procedures`, World Development, Vol. 23, No. 11, Pergamon, Great Britain.

Oxfam, 1997, (ed.), `Organizational culture`, Gender and Development, Vol. 5, No. 1, Oxfam, Oxford.

Goetz, A., 1996, `Minimum-optimum scenarios - institutional strategies for donor accountability to women in the development process`, DGIS, The Hague.

Goetz, A., 1995, (ed.), `Getting institutions right for women`, IDS Bulletin, Vol. 26, No. 3, IDS, Sussex.

Kardam, N., 1995, `Conditions of accountability for gender policy`, IDS Bulletin, Vol. 26, No, 3, IDS, Sussex.

Kelleher, D., and McLaren, K., 1996, Grabbing the Tiger by the Tail: NGOs Learning for Organizational Change, Canadian Council for International Cooperation, Ottawa.

Kelleher, D., Rao, A., Stuart, R., and Moore, K., 1996, `Building global networks for gender and organisational change`, Canadian Council for International Cooperation, Ottawa.

Razavi, S., and Miller, C., 1995, `Gender mainstreaming in the World Bank, UNDP and ILO`, UNRISD, Geneva.

Schalkwyk, J., Thomas, H., and Woroniuk, B., 1996, `Mainstreaming: a strategy for achieving equality between women and men`, SIDA, Stockholm.

For more information about these sources, please contact BRIDGE at the address below.

BRIDGE (briefings on development and gender) is an information analysis service specialising in gender and development issues. BRIDGEs aim is to assist development professionals in government and non-government organisations to integrate gender concerns into their work. Based at the Institute of Development Studies, in the UK, BRIDGE was set up with financial assistance from OECD-DAC agencies. The British Department for International Development (DFID) and the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) funded this issue.

Copyright: Institute of Development Studies 1997 ISSN 1358-0612 Editors: Sally Baden and Rachel Masika. Contributors: N&uumlket Kardam, Angela Hadjipateras and Zoë Oxaal. Thanks to Anne Marie Goetz and Elizabeth Harrison for advice.

(C) Copyright IDS